Narbonne

The Jewish presence in Narbonne has roots stretching back to Late Antiquity. Jews were established there as early as the 5th century, as attested by letters dated around 471 and 473: Sidonius Apollinaris, bishop of Clermont, entrusted to a Jew named Gozolas, a client of Magnus Felix of Narbonne, a letter intended for the latter — the first written testimony of Jewish presence in Gaul [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323; Encyclopædia Judaica]. Settled in a city still marked by its Roman heritage, these Jews participated in Mediterranean commerce that made Narbonne an active port between Italy, Spain, and the Gallic hinterland.

Coexistence with Christian neighbors was, on the whole, peaceful, though traversed by canonical tensions. In 589, the Council of Narbonne imposed a precise restriction upon them: the prohibition of singing psalms at funerals, under penalty of a fine of six ounces of gold [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323]. This measure was part of the policy of the Visigothic Church, which multiplied in the 6th and 7th centuries discriminatory provisions against the Jewish communities of the kingdom.

The material testimony of this ancient presence is of great richness. The Museum of Art and History of Narbonne preserves the oldest funerary inscription attesting to Jewish presence in France: the epitaph of the three children of Paragorus — Justus, thirty years old; Matrona, twenty years old; and Dulciorella, nine years old — marked with a seven-branched candelabrum and a brief text in Hebrew, Shalom al Israël ("Peace upon Israel"). Tombstones from the 7th century bearing inscriptions in Hebrew and Latin, discovered at the cemetery of Mont Judaïque, confirm the continuity of settlement [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323; Encyclopædia Judaica]. These epigraphic remains make Narbonne a major site of ancient Jewish memory in Gaul.

The establishment of the community in Septimania, a border land disputed between Visigoths, Franks, and, from 719 onward, Arab-Berber conquerors, prepared the ground for a particular status. The city passed successively under Visigothic, Saracen (719–759), and then Frankish domination, and this position at a geopolitical crossroads would later nourish the narrative of royal favor granted to the Jews of Narbonne.

It is around the Frankish conquest of Narbonne, in the middle of the eighth century, that the foundational narrative of princely dignity takes shape. Pepin the Short, Carolingian king, is said to have granted the Jews one-third of the city and the right to own hereditary landed property, enabling them to build fortunes in real estate, commerce, and craftsmanship — a fact reported by numerous primary sources, Roman, Christian, and Jewish, which often contradict one another on details, but agree on the essence of this privilege [The Free Library, 2014]. Charlemagne, according to tradition, confirmed these rights and elevated Kalonymos of Lucques in the Rhineland — a symbol rather than a fully documented historical fact.

The legend assumed considerable proportions in medieval sources. Frankish kings are said to have wished to see a Jew of noble blood preside over the community; this man was Rabbi Makhir, a renowned Babylonian scholar whom they brought to Narbonne to found a school of talmudic studies. According to the tradition preserved by Abraham ibn Daud in his Sefer ha-Qabbalah (composed around 1161), Makhir was a prince — in Hebrew nassi — of Davidic descent, belonging to the Jewish royal family [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323]. Arthur Zuckerman, in his works, argued that Makhir would be identical to Natronai ben Habibi, a deposed exilarch exiled from Lower Mesopotamia during a dynastic dispute in the eighth century — a seductive but debated hypothesis. The residence place of his family in Narbonne was known in official documents as Cortada Regis Judæorum, the court of the king of the Jews, and this name remained in use for centuries.

Benjamin of Tudela, who visited Narbonne in 1165, still testifies to the elevated position occupied by the descendants of Makhir, and the "Royal Letters" of 1364 still mention the existence of a rex Judæorum in Narbonne [Makhir of Narbonne, Wikipedia]. The historian Gérard Nahon places this narrative on the side of tradition, in which history becomes legend and legend becomes politics. Whether or not it rests on a kernel of real events, the Carolingian legend served above all to establish in law and in Memory the authority of the princely house of Narbonne.

From the eleventh century onwards, the title of nassi became the exclusive prerogative of a single lineage in Narbonne. What strikes one about the Narbonne case is that this title was exclusively reserved for the family of the community's leaders, who claimed descent from the lineage of King David — a claim that conferred upon it a unique character, halfway between communal function and messianic hope. The use of the title in Narbonne, from the eleventh century until the early fourteenth century, represents a sui generis phenomenon in the history of Jewish communities in the West [Encyclopædia Judaica].

The family of nassi, identified with the house of Kalonymos, exercised authority recognized both by the community and by the seigneurial powers of the city. The position of the princes was reflected even in the symbolic sphere: Kalonymos ben Todros, nassi in office at the time of Benjamin of Tudela's passage in 1165, possessed a seal on which appeared the Lion of Judah — the insignia of the Davidic royalty they claimed — and he had the privilege of sealing public documents with this seal [jguideeurope.org]. His cousin Lévi ben Moïse succeeded him as coleader of the community at a later date.

The position of the nassi was also reflected in urban topography. The Jewish community of Narbonne was divided into two distinct areas: one, comprising the greater part of the community, included the Court of the Nesiim and the school buildings, and fell under vicomtal seigneury; the inhabitants of the northern quarter of Belvèze, for their part, depended on the archiepiscopal seigneury. In the district of the viscount were found the Great Jewries, comprising the Hospital of Charity, the baths, shops, ovens and warehouses, as well as the "Old Schools," that is to say, the synagogues. In 1218, the viscount Aimery and his wife Marguerite de Montmorency ceded to the Jews the territory of the Great Jewries and the Old Schools, in exchange for an annual rent of ten sous in Narbonne currency [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323].

On the side of the archbishopric, the quarter of Belvèze adjoined the Mount Judaicus, where the Jewish cemetery was established, some of whose tombstones inscribed in Hebrew are preserved in the Narbonne museum. The court of the nassi thus formed an institutional centre linking the governance of the community to the two seigneuries that shared the city, in a balance of powers that long assured relative stability to the community.

The greatness of Narbonne cannot be measured solely by the dignity of its princes, but by the brilliance of its school. The city became one of the major seats of Jewish study in the West, rivaling the great academies of the East. According to Abraham ibn Daud, its scholars held a position comparable to that of the exilarchs of Babylonia — a judgment that underscores the prestige recognized in Narbonnese teaching [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323].

The list of masters who taught there sketches a veritable pantheon of medieval erudition. Moshe ha-Darshan, in the eleventh century, was head of the yeshiva of Narbonne; his exegetical and homiletic work durably nourished midrashic literature. Merwan ha-Levi, in the second half of the eleventh century, was one of the most eminent Jews of the city: a philanthropist devoting his fortune to the community, he also enjoyed the favor of those in power, which enabled him to defuse measures unfavorable to Jews. He was head of a family that produced several renowned scholars, including his son Rabbi Isaac of Narbonne [Merwan ha-Levi, Wikipedia]. In the following century, Rabbi Moshe ben Yosef directed the talmudic academy of Narbonne, and Kalonymos ben Todros, died around 1194, jointly held with his cousin Lévi ben Moïse the governance of the community.

To these figures must be added the great lineage of decisors. Abraham ben Isaac of Narbonne, called Rabad II, born around 1110 probably in Montpellier and died in Narbonne in 1179, was a student of Moïse ben Joseph ben Merwan ha-Levi and, during the lifetime of this master, was appointed president of the rabbinical court of Narbonne — composed of nine members — and principal of the rabbinical academy [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. "Abraham b. Isaac of Narbonne"]. Author of the Sefer ha-Eshkol, a collection of halakhic decisions that held authority throughout the Midi, his influence on talmudic study in Provence was considerable, Languedoc forming politically a bridge between Spain and northern France.

Narbonnese culture was not limited to the religious domain alone. Bonfilh, Jewish troubadour, was a native of the city, testimony to the integration of Narbonnese Jews into Occitan poetic life. David Kimhi, known by the acronym Radak, was born in Narbonne around 1160 to a father exiled from Andalusia; a grammarian and exegete of the first rank, he was the author of the Sefer ha-Shorashim (Book of Roots) and of a biblical commentary that radiated far beyond the Midi [jguideeurope.org]. This abundance made Narbonne an essential link in the transmission that connects the Babylonian academies to the schools of Provence and Catalonia, a crossroads where Arabic, Castilian, Hebrew, and the langue d'oc intersected.

The Jewish community of Narbonne lived within a city shared between the authority of the viscount and that of the archbishop, a configuration that determined its spatial and legal organization. The dual feudal overlordship, far from being merely a constraint, guaranteed a certain stability: the economic and fiscal value of the community prompted the two lords to protect it and to compete for its favor.

The community's demography fluctuated considerably with the ebb and flow of political events. In the twelfth century, it numbered approximately two thousand souls; but following a war between the city and the count of Toulouse, after the death of Viscount Don Emeric IV in 1137, the community shrank considerably, so much so that in 1165 Benjamin of Tudela found there no more than three hundred Jews, the others having emigrated to Anjou, Poitou, and other French provinces [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323]. From the twelfth century onward, the population was reconstituted notably by the arrival of Andalusian Jews, who brought with them scientific, literary, and talmudic knowledge that they shared in several languages — Arabic, Spanish, Hebrew, and French [jguideeurope.org].

The archbishop of Narbonne protected the Jews with remarkable consistency. In 1241, the chapter reproached him for favoring them to the detriment of Christians. In 1245, Rabbi Meir ben Simeon took part in a public religious disputation before Archbishop En Guillem de la Broa and the Jewish notables of Narbonne and Capestang, pleading on behalf of his coreligionists and emphasizing their loyalty to Christian sovereigns and their allegiance in the struggle against the Saracens. In 1276, the archbishop settled the legal status of the Jews in favorable terms, in accordance with an agreement reached with the viscount; in 1284, he granted them additional privileges [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323].

Daily life was organized around the synagogue, the school, charitable institutions, and trades — commerce, medicine, lending, and craftsmanship — that bound the Jews to the economic fabric of the port city. In 1236, however, a quarrel between a Jew and a Christian sparked a popular uprising against the Jewish community: houses were pillaged. The swift intervention of the city's governor, Don Emeric, and municipal authorities restored order and made possible the restitution to owners of the stolen goods. In memory of this providential rescue, Meir ben Isaac, one of the victims of the pogrom, instituted the Purim of Narbonne to commemorate the event annually — one of the first documented examples of a "second Purim" local to Jewish history [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323; Jewish History / Springer, 2007].

The coexistence, generally peaceful in the early centuries, became fragile as royal and ecclesiastical policies toward the Jews of the kingdom of France hardened in the thirteenth century. The viscounts of Narbonne, who benefited from the taxes paid by the Jews, had a material interest in protecting them; but the Capetian crown, heavily in debt, began to regard the wealth of Jewish communities as a resource to be captured [The Free Library, 2014].

The intellectual and institutional apotheosis did not preserve Narbonne from the fate common to Jewish communities in France. The progressive attachment of Septimania and Languedoc to the Capetian crown subjected the Jews of Narbonne to increasingly restrictive royal legislation and fiscally despoiling measures over the course of the thirteenth century [Encyclopædia Judaica].

At the end of the thirteenth century, the monarchy sought to deprive local lords of their jurisdiction over "their" Jews. After disputes between the two suzerains over the judicial status of certain Jews, the viscount and archbishop united to defend their prerogatives against royal pretensions. When the expulsion order was finally issued, however, neither of the two lords protested publicly; it was only at the moment of the liquidation of Jewish property that one and the other intervened to claim their share of the profits, and only the viscount achieved a satisfactory settlement with the king [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323 ; Encyclopædia Judaica].

The general expulsion ordered by Philippe le Bel in 1306 struck Narbonne as it did all other communities of the kingdom. On the eve of the expulsion, the municipal register indicated one hundred sixty-five Jewish households, or approximately eight hundred twenty-five persons—fewer than five percent of the total population of the city. The king confiscated the property and dispersed the inhabitants; archbishop and viscount had an inventory drawn up of the seized properties in order to obtain their share [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. 11323].

The recalls and new expulsions that punctuated the fourteenth century did not permit the lasting reconstitution of the great center of old. The end of the use of the title of nassi coincides with this degradation: it extends until the beginning of the fourteenth century, when the community faced the great trials of the Capetian reign. A few decades after the expulsion, the plague broke out in Narbonne and a flood changed the course of the Aude, barring ships from entering the city. Narbonne entered into a decline from which it never recovered [The Free Library, 2014]. The dignity of nassi, the talmudic academy and the princely court belonged henceforth to memory. What remain are the tombstones of Mont Judaïque, the manuscripts issuing from its schools, and the memory of a unique institution that made Narbonne, for a few centuries, the supposed seat of a "king of the Jews" in the lands of the West.

Makhir of Narbonne (c. 725 – c. 765 or 793) — In Hebrew מכיר. A renowned Babylonian scholar of reputed Davidic descent, he is the tutelary figure of the Narbonnese community according to the tradition preserved by Abraham ibn Daud in the Sefer ha-Qabbalah. Whether Frankish kings brought him from the East to preside over the community remains debated, but his family settled in Narbonne in a place officially designated Cortada Regis Judæorum. Arthur Zuckerman identified him with the exilarch Natronai ben Habibi, deposed from Lower Mesopotamia — a serious hypothesis but not definitively established. He was the legendary founder of the lineage of nassi of Narbonne.

Abraham ibn Daud of Toledo (c. 1110 – c. 1180) — In Hebrew אברהם אבן דאוד, also known by the acronym Rabad I. Historian and philosopher, author of the Sefer ha-Qabbalah (c. 1161), a chronicle of Jewish tradition that constitutes the principal narrative source on the origins of the Narbonnese community and the Davidic legitimacy of its nassi. Though Toledan, his testimony on Narbonne is of irreplaceable documentary value for understanding the perception of Narbonnese prestige in the medieval Jewish world.

Moshe ha-Darshan (dates unknown, active in the 11th century) — In Hebrew משה הדרשן. Head of the yeshiva of Narbonne in the 11th century, he is one of the first documented masters of the Narbonnese academy. His exegetical and homiletical work nourished the midrashic literature of his era and contributed to establishing the city's reputation as a center of Jewish learning in the West.

Merwan ha-Levi (dates unknown, active in the second half of the 11th century) — In Hebrew מרואן הלוי. One of the most eminent Jews of Narbonne in his time, a philanthropist who devoted his fortune to the community. Enjoying the favor of those in power, he managed to avert hostile measures against the Jews. Head of a family of great erudition, his son Rabbi Isaac of Narbonne and his grandson Abraham ben Isaac (Rabad II) extended his influence over several generations.

Abraham ben Isaac of Narbonne, called Rabad II (c. 1110 – 1179) — In Hebrew אברהם בן יצחק, אב"ד. Probably born in Montpellier, died in Narbonne. A student of Moshe ben Joseph ben Merwan ha-Levi, he was appointed during his master's lifetime president of the rabbinical court of Narbonne (composed of nine members) and principal of the rabbinical academy. Author of the Sefer ha-Eshkol, a halakhic compilation that was authoritative throughout Languedoc and beyond, he represents the zenith of Narbonnese rabbinical jurisprudence.

Kalonymos ben Todros († c. 1194) — In Hebrew קלונימוס בן טודרוס. Hakham of Provence, bearer of the title nassi and head of the community at the time of Benjamin of Tudela's passage in 1165. He held the singular right to seal public documents with a seal bearing the Lion of Judah, an emblem of the claimed Davidic royalty. He subsequently governed jointly with his cousin Levi ben Moshe. Letters from Sheshet Benveniste allow his death to be dated around 1194. Heinrich Gross proposed to identify him with "Clarimoscus filius Tauroscii" from a deed of 1195.

David Kimhi, called the Radak (c. 1160 – c. 1235) — In Hebrew דוד קמחי, acronym רד"ק. Born in Narbonne to parents exiled from Andalusia, he is the most celebrated grammarian and exegete produced by the Narbonnese community. Author of the Sefer ha-Shorashim (Book of Roots) and the Mikhlol (Hebrew grammar), as well as biblical commentaries widely disseminated in the medieval Jewish world and beyond, he embodies the transmission of Andalusian learning to southern France. His work made Narbonne a decisive relay between Spain and Northern Europe.

Meïr ben Siméon of Narbonne (dates unknown, active c. 1240–1260) — In Hebrew מאיר בן שמעון. Rabbi and apologist, he took part in 1245 in a public religious disputation before the archbishop En Guillem de la Broa. He argued on behalf of his coreligionists, emphasizing the fidelity of the Jews to Christian sovereigns and their loyalty in the struggle against the Saracens. He is the author of the Milhémet Mitsva, an apologetic treatise defending Judaism against Christian attacks.

Meïr ben Isaac of Narbonne (dates unknown, active c. 1236) — In Hebrew מאיר בן יצחק. Victim of the popular uprising of 1236 against the Jewish community of Narbonne, he instituted in memory of the providential rescue effected by the governor Don Emeric the Purim of Narbonne, a local festival commemorating this episode annually. His initiative is considered by historians as one of the first documented examples of a "second Purim" in medieval Jewish history.

Bérenger of Narbonne (dates unknown, active in the 11th century) — Viscount of Narbonne, he distinguished himself by his active protection of the city's Jews at a time when their persecution was threatened. Pope Alexander II addressed praises to him for his intervention on their behalf and wrote simultaneously to Bishop Wifred of Narbonne (1063) to ask him to follow his example [Jewish Encyclopedia, art. "Berenger of Narbonne"].

Bonfilh (dates unknown, active in the 12th century) — Jewish troubadour from Narbonne, he testifies to the participation of Narbonnese Jews in Occitan poetic life. His figure, still poorly documented, illustrates the cultural permeability between the Jewish community and the world of letters in the language of oc.

The Jewish history of Narbonne in the Middle Ages unfolds according to a double narrative: that, factual, of an ancient, wealthy and learned community, and that, legendary, of a Davidic principality born from Carolingian recognition. The claim to a lineage tracing back to King David, and the exclusive use of the title of nassi from the eleventh to the early fourteenth century, make Narbonne a sui generis case in the history of Jewish communities in the West. That the symbolic dimension outweighs the verifiable event, as modern historians emphasize, detracts nothing from the power of this narrative, which expressed an aspiration to uncommon dignity and autonomy. The persistence of the term Cortada Regis Judæorum in official documents, and the "Royal Letters" of 1364 still mentioning a rex Judæorum, shows how enduring this institutional memory was.

Beyond the legend, it is the brilliance of the talmudic academy, the authority of its decisors — from Rabad II to Radak —, the integration of its Jews into Occitan urban and poetic life, and the vitality of a community capable of reaching two thousand souls in the twelfth century, that ensure Narbonne a lasting place in the great narrative of diasporas. The brutal end of this community, swept away by the expulsions of 1306, then by the decline of the city itself — the plague, the displacement of the bed of the Aude —, marks the closure of a golden age whose manuscripts, the tombstones of Mont Judaïque and memory still preserve the recollection. Descendants of Rabbi Makhir continued long to proliferate in the noble families of Europe, carrying with them the claim to a Davidic ancestry born on the banks of the Aude.